Wednesday, January 23, 2008

de Tocqueville...

There are certain things that de Tocqueville suggested about society.

  1. One needs to expand the middle class in any society. There should be a very small number of the elite and the lower class. The elite are selfish and a burden to society with their indulgences. The lower class are also a burden to society, and a bitter people. They are worked soo hard and have nothing to show for it. There is no hope of ever climbing the social ladder and this only makes them harbour a lot of resentment towards those that "have". Any chance they have to vent out their anger, they will probably pick on the middle class, never the elite; those are like gods among them, untouchables...
  2. Why a large base of the middle class? These are the professionals. They are the entrepreneurs. They wake up early for at least 6 days of the week to go to work for at least 8 hours. They want to give their children the best, and they aspire to live comfortably; always striving to get to the top and if not they just want to earn enough to live comfortably for the rest of their lives. They value hard work, family and friends. But they also very individualistic.They value ownership- read property. it serves as security to life. The more you have the better.
  3. The values of the middle class ensure a stable society. a successful life is dependent on the welfare of one's neighbour. They thrive in a stable orderly society, they therefore work hard to ensure that it remains so. They also compromise a lot to maintain their stable environment. The middle class is not too political. They do not rely on the state for much. They expect the State to maintain a safe environment for their businesses, investments, and one that they can continue with their daily routine of earning a living.
  4. Having said that, the middle class man will vote when he is required to, mostly on the basis of policy bias, if his man wins, then he goes on with his life. If his man does not win...life still goes on. Only, the other guy should not change the environment to his detriment. And even if he does, the middle class man tries to adapt to the system to continue thriving. The middle class has certain values that really make him the ideal citizen. I have already mentioned that he is hardworking. He is also non- violent.
  5. I should mention that these are inferences made on what de Tocqueville wrote on the American society and the critique that Dr. Gayle from my political science class made on it.

Turning 30

I turned 30 yesterday. It was a little like the turn of the millennium when we all expected something ethereal to happen. A lot has been said about turning 30 that I actually expected "something" to happen to me or around me. Well, nothing happened. It was a normal work day. I went home, ate, slept. Very normal day. But of course following the footsteps of many women before me, I pondered, wondered, considered, turned over and over in my head what turning 30 means to me. I came across some truths about myself that have been elusive these past couple of years and some, just a few months. But overall, I am glad to be alive and well. I am thankful for who I am and what I have, what I am not and what I have not, that which I was and no longer am, had but no longer have; I am grateful for that which I am becoming and attaining. What is mine is mine. I am blessed. I will not grieve missed opportunities and unattained goals. Today must count for something because I am here, living it. True, all these thoughts are personal, probably none of your business, but...these words that I speak out to the universe, to you, are pronouncements to myself and my future, and hold me accountable for how I live my life. And like Sande likes to say, the universe will conspire to make these words come true in my life. I say, so help me God...good times

Thursday, January 17, 2008

Dear Friends,

Please ignore Al- jazeera. The idiot who's in charge of the Nairobi office is not going out of his way to cover the story as it really is. It seems that the man has an idea of how Africa's conflicts occur and so he has some script in his head that he is following. I was so frustrated watching his reports; he was inaccurate with his information and often misleading. He was never really on the ground where everything was happening and the reporter that was helping him especially exaggerated his news stories. I figured if he was afraid for his safety then he should have worked with local media to get accurate information since we have excellent reporters across the country. I thought that Al- jazeera was the teller of truth but I guess that changes when reporting about Africa.
Things are not good though on the home front. Kenyans are dying everyday, and I am not talking about the ones that have been killed by cops due to unlawful behaviour. Houses burn every day and night in the Rift valley; the slums are a nightmare with Kikuyus, Kambas, and Kisiis (who are seen as Kibaki sympathizers) being targeted for reprisals...let me show you something...PS. if you don't have a strong stomach...

Kisumu ( I removed the other pics, they were too disturbing to me)









Near Eldoret

More of the same on www.facebook.com/kenyansforpeace.html

'We told them to come out of the church, but they locked the door ... So we burned them'



The Guardian's Xan Rice was the first British reporter to reach Eldoret, in western Kenya, where mostly women and children were killed by a rival ethnic mob. Many victims had burned to death, trapped inside the supposed sanctuary of a church

Wednesday January 2, 2008
Guardian Unlimited


The charred remains of the Kenyan church where dozens of people were killed
The charred remains of the Kenyan church where dozens of people were killed. Photograph: Tony Karumba/AFP

Grace Githuthwa heard the attackers before she saw them. They were singing war songs, running from two sides towards the church compound where she and 200 others were sheltering from the violence. She grabbed her four children and ran inside the Kenya Assemblies of God Pentecostal church.

The hundreds of youths from the Kalenjin tribe armed with bows and arrows and machetes easily overpowered the few Kikuyu men and turned on the women and children.

"They started cutting the church door with a panga [machete]," Githuthwa said. "They were from around here, and even knew some of our names. We kneeled down and surrendered. It was quiet, as we were all praying. We knew this was the end."

Mattresses soaked with paraffin were pushed through the windows and used to block the door. Matches were thrown in.

As the fire engulfed the wooden building, the women grabbed their children and jumped through the burning windows. Githuthwa pushed her two elder children out of the window, and then climbed out holding her three-year-old daughter, Miriam, in her arms.

The Kalenjin youths were waiting outside, "cutting people like firewood" as they emerged.

"They snatched Miriam from me and threw her back into the fire," said Githuthwa, as she returned to the church, near Eldoret, hoping Miriam had survived.

Smoke was still rising from the embers. A dozen blackened bicycles were stacked neatly against what had been the wall of the church. Tin cups were strewn across the ground. There was a child's shoe, a woman's sandal, a bible. In the small cooking hut alongside the church, burned but not completely destroyed, lay corncobs and beans that were being prepared for lunch when the attack started.

In the far corner of the church lay three bodies. They were charred beyond recognition, all apparently children. They lay on their sides. As policemen stood guard, five Red Cross workers wearing surgical gloves and facemasks moved the bodies on to blankets. Soon there were 12 corpses lying side by side, all but one of them children, a few of them babies. One of them was probably Miriam. Her mother broke down in tears.

Two blankets, one brown, one purple, were taken from the belongings strewn across the compound and laid over the bodies.

The search continued amid the debris at the far end of the church. Another body soon emerged. Another child. On the road outside the church compound, flanked by tall cypress trees, lay two more corpses. A man in a suit was spread-eagled on his back. On the side of his head was a gaping machete wound. Next to him was a woman with grey hair. There were slash marks on her torso.

In the cornfield 50 metres away lay two more bodies, one a partly burned man with a leg disfigured by polio. There were 17 bodies in all; there could have been more nearby.

A second woman approached the church. Margaret Muthoni, 38, was looking for her six-year-old niece, Miriam Ngendo.

"I was carrying her out of the church, but she fell," Muthoni said. "I had my six children with me and we had to run for safety. I could not go back for her."

She walked over to the bodies and lifted one of the blankets. Then she began to scream, a terrible, grief-laden scream, and dropped to her knees.

A few miles away, the road was littered with obstructions every few hundred metres: trees, telephone poles and large rocks forced cars on to the verge, where youths with clubs and knives were sitting.

At Ngeria Junction, hundreds of angry youths and men, all Kalenjin, gathered. They said they felt cheated by the election, awarded in dubious circumstances to President Mwai Kibaki over opposition leader Raila Odinga. They wanted revenge, and it was Kibaki's Kikuyu ethnic group, who were going to suffer.

Asked if they knew about the church massacre, all the youths nodded. "We were there," said one man, who said his name was Patrick. "We got a message that the Kikuyus were arming near the church. So we went to give reinforcements to the Kalenjins there."

Another man carried on: "The men and women had babies and small children, but they carried pangas to defend themselves. Is someone with a panga innocent? It is not our custom to kill women and children. We told them to come out of the church, but they locked the door and refused to come out. So we burned them."

A third youth spoke. "They were not worshipping in the church. They were hiding. That makes it a cave not a church. Let Kibaki send a plane for the Kikuyus. They can go ... or they will be killed."

Several more men confirmed that youths from this village had helped carry out the attack.

The fear and confrontation extended across much of the Rift Valley region. Baraton, a young Kikuyu student from the University of East Africa, spoke from a mobile phone. She could not leave her room, she said. Since election day, Kalenjin youths, some of them her classmates, had started threatening all the Kikiyus and Kisiis - also accused of supporting Kibaki - on campus.

A gift of a cow and then a bull had satisfied them for only a day or two. But they had started fires outside the main gate, and were demanding identification cards from anyone passing through. "We desperately need the police to come and protect us," she said.

The fear cut across ethnic lines; most Kalenjins had nothing to do with the violence, and the fear of reprisals was growing. Moses, a Kalenjin in the Nandi Hills, sent a text message: "No transpot. Road blocked with stons. Electricity disconnected. No car fuel. Houses still baning and robary. We r so scared."

At the New Heuvel petrol station in Cheptiret, telephone poles were laid across the road. Dozens of men stood around, many of them holdings bows with quivers full of metal-tipped arrows slung across their backs. Suddenly they pulled back, crouching in ditches and behind walls, their bow-strings taut, only relaxing when the approaching police announced its peaceful intention.

As a few of the Kalenjin men approached the vehicle, Chief Inspector Salesiho Njiru said: "These people don't need a harsh tone. We are just going to try to negotiate a way through."

Rugut Brigen, an assistant university lecturer, told Njiru that the bodies of two Kikuyu men lay beside a burned-out minibus a few hundred metres on. They were killed on Monday, and Brigen wanted police to remove the bodies.

"The people stoned them when they did not slow down for our roadblock," he said. "They could not control their anger at the election result."

In front of the minibus, several truck trailers blocked the way. On either side of the road were more than 1,000 armed men, who occasionally broke into a war song. Keeping them in check was their leader, "Michael", who works for an international aid agency.

At a single shouted word everyone sat down. "We are not going to have a ceasefire until the true results are announced," he told the police. Nobody should try to stop them until then, he said.

The district officer, a Luo from Odinga's ethnic group, had been killed by an arrow the day before after shooting a boy in the leg.

"Today, it is bows and arrows. In three days, if Kibaki has not resigned, we will have guns from Uganda," said Michael.

Several army vehicles arrived, and after tense negotiations, it was agreed that they could escort a long line of vehicles through the town, driving slowly as the Kalenjin men, their clubs, knives and bows at their sides, looked on.

Among those fleeing by car was Moses Maina, 36, a Kikuyu. He had already sent his wife and children by air to Nairobi after chartering a plane with several other families.

"I was born in Eldoret," said Moses, glancing nervously towards the burned-out minibus. "My father came here in 1950. This is my home, and now I am are running away from it. Where am I supposed to go."

Michael said that was not his problem. "The Kikuyus were treated like guests in the Rift Valley, but Kibaki let them down. It is over. We can never trust them again. We will never let them come back," he said.

As Kenyans are being urged to go to the streets to fight for their political right, who is fighting for these ones? or even crying for them? Some of my colleagues claim that they are fighting for their rights, but behind my back or to my face, insist that Kikuyus are the country's problem....We are in trouble as a nation and we are not privy to it yet.

Sunday, January 13, 2008

Beseiged Kikuyu

I've been trying to post an entry to my blog since two weeks ago but something always happens. The first time this year was on the 9th and I was the only one in the office. "Things" were still very sore just after the Elections skirmishes and when the V.C. saw how things were, she suggested that we send all the new students home and we make ourselves safe as well. Students left by 1pm but I stayed until 3pm answering phone calls on the changes on our opening dates and the securioty of the country. The blog entry that I had made was not posted; I think our servers were down or something like that. The second time was last Friday; I had written everything out on Word ready to copy and paste when I finished, but unfortunately as an I.T. personnel was installing something on my computer, he deleted the document. So that is two very pregnant with inspiration entries out of the window.
For now I will just share what is on my mind. My colleague here at work is currently housing 10 people in her small house which was previously housing only 3 people. These were displaced from Kibera.